My attempts at compiling information related to racist discrimination against black, bearing especially in mind the new argument that class trumps race in terms of negative impacts.
At this point, I have been reading all day long, and my eyes are burning. Forgive me for the formatting hell that ensues.
The Case for Reparations
Ta-Nehisi Coates, The Atlantic
June 2014 issue
http://www.theatlantic.com/features/archive/2014/05/the-case-for-reparations/361631/
Patrick Sharkey, a sociologist at New York University, studied children born from 1955 through 1970 and found that 4 percent of whites and 62 percent of blacks across America had been raised in poor neighborhoods. A generation later, the same study showed, virtually nothing had changed. And whereas whites born into affluent neighborhoods tended to remain in affluent neighborhoods, blacks tended to fall out of them.
Sharkey’s research shows that black families making $100,000 typically live in the kinds of neighborhoods inhabited by white families making $30,000.
The Pew Research Center estimates that white households are worth roughly 20 times as much as black households, and that whereas only 15 percent of whites have zero or negative wealth, more than a third of blacks do.
In 2012, the Manhattan Institute cheerily noted that segregation had declined since the 1960s. And yet African Americans still remained—by far—the most segregated ethnic group in the country.
The Sociology of Discrimination: Racial Discrimination in Employment, Housing, Credit, and Consumer Markets
Devah Pager and Hana Shepherd
Annu Rev Sociol. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2010 Aug 4.
Published in final edited form as:
Annu Rev Sociol. 2008 Jan 1; 34: 181–209
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2915460/
African Americans are twice as likely to be unemployed as whites (Hispanics are only marginally so), and the wages of both blacks and Hispanics continue to lag well behind those of whites.
Whites possess roughly 12 times the wealth of African Americans; in fact, whites near the bottom of the income distribution possess more wealth than blacks near the top of the income distribution (Oliver & Shapiro 1997, p. 86). Available evidence suggests that blacks and Hispanics face higher rejection rates and less favorable terms in securing mortgages than do whites with similar credit characteristics (Ross & Yinger 1999).
A 2005 report by New Jersey Citizen Action using data from two New Jersey lawsuits found that, between 1993 and 2000, blacks and Hispanics were disproportionately subject to financing markup charges at car dealerships, with minority customers paying an average of $339 more than whites with similar credit histories. Harris et al. (2005) analyze federal court cases of consumer discrimination filed from 1990 to 2002, examining the dimensions of subtle and overt degradation (including extended waiting periods, prepay requirements, and higher prices, as well as increased surveillance and verbal and/or physical attacks) and subtle and overt denial of goods and services. They report cases filed in hotels, restaurants, gas stations, grocery/food stores, clothing stores, department stores, home improvement stores, and office equipment stores filed by members of many racial minority groups.
African Americans were as segregated from whites in 1990 as they had been at the start of the twentieth century, and levels of segregation appear unaffected by rising socioeconomic status (Massey & Denton 1993). Although segregation appears to have modestly decreased between 1980 and 2000 (Logan et al. 2004), blacks (and to a lesser extent other minority groups) continue to experience patterns of residential placement markedly different from whites.
The weight of existing evidence suggests that discrimination does continue to affect the allocation of contemporary opportunities; and, further, given the often covert, indirect, and cumulative nature of these effects, our current estimates may in fact understate the degree to which discrimination contributes to the poor social and economic outcomes of minority groups.
Subtle Yet Significant: The Existence and Impact of Everyday Racial Discrimination in the Workplace
Elizabeth A. Deitch
Adam Barsky
Rebecca M. Butz
Suzanne Chan
Arthur P. Brief
Jill C. Bradley
doi: 10.1177/00187267035611002 Human Relations November 2003 vol. 56 no. 11 1299-1324
http://hum.sagepub.com/content/56/11/1299.short
In this article, we argue that research concerning workplace discrimination could be advanced by considering ‘everyday discrimination,’ that is, the subtle, pervasive discriminatory acts experienced by members of stigmatized groups on a daily basis. Three studies are reported which use secondary data analysis techniques to provide evidence for the existence of everyday workplace discrimination against Blacks. In addition to demonstrating the occurrence of such discrimination, evidence is presented which indicates that the experience of everyday discrimination is negatively associated with various indicators of well-being. The implications of these findings for organizations and for discrimination researchers are discussed.
A Multilevel Analysis of the Relationship Between Institutional and Individual Racial Discrimination and Health Status
Gilbert C. Gee, PhD
American Journal of Public Health: April 2002, Vol. 92, No. 4, pp. 615-623.
doi: 10.2105/AJPH.92.4.615
http://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/abs/10.2105/AJPH.92.4.615
Results. Individual and institutional measures of racial discrimination were associated with health status after control for acculturation, sex, age, social support, income, health insurance, employment status, education, neighborhood poverty, and housing value.
Conclusions. The data support the hypothesis that discrimination at multiple levels influences the health of minority group members.
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